How were relations between the motherland and Tibet during the period of the Republic of China (1912-49)? Did the local government of Tibet still maintain the subordinate relationship with the Central Government? When the Tibetan separatists were obliged to admit some facts that Chinese emperors before the founding of the Republic of China had ruled Tibet, they went all out to say Tibet was an independent political entity following the founding of the Republic of China. Chapter 15 of Tibet: A Political History by Xagabba had Further Evidence of Tibetan Independence as its headline. Chapters 4 and 8 of The Status of Tibet by Van Praag state "Tibet declared independence." Both mean to show Tibet was "independent" in this period. Is this true? Historical facts provide their own answer.

(1) Yuan Shi-kai and the 13th Dalai Lama
The Wuchang Uprising on October 10, 1911 informed the world of the beginning of the Revolution of 1911. The toppling of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), which had a positive echo in various provinces, put an end to the 2,000-odd-year history of the feudalistic empire system in China. The Republic of China was born, with Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Yuan Shi-kai serving as its president respectively.

When the news reached Tibet, the Sichuan troops in Lhasa suffered internal strife. Driven by a shortage of provisions, they lived by taking from the Tibetans. Lian Yu and Zhong Ying, former Qing officials stationed in Tibet, blackmailed the local government of Tibet on the excuse that they planned to withdraw to the hinterland. When given what they demanded, they continued to stay in Lhasa. Part of the Sichuan troops stood by the Gaxag government in fighting troops led by Zhong Ying, throwing Tibet into chaos.

The British decided to take advantage to press ahead with their "Tibetan independence" project. For this purpose, the British Indian governor made a special trip to Darjeeling for secret talks with the 13th Dalai Lama. Before long, the latter sneaked Dasang Zhamdui into Tibet, where he brought together a 10,000-strong force of Tibetan troops and militiamen to fight the Sichuan troops in Lhasa, Xigaze and Gyangze. During the conflict, the systems of the Panchen Erdeni and the Daingyiling Monastery in Lhasa, most of the lamas with the Zhaibung Monastery and part of the Gaxag government were on the side of Lian Yu and Zhong Ying. The part of Sichuan troops led by Lian Yu and Zhong Ying, however, were strongly disgusted by most of the Tibetans because of their pervasive acts. Surrounded by Tibetan army and militiamen from U-Tsang area, they had no food and gradually fell into dire straits.

In the winter of 1911, Zhao Erfeng, the former Sichuan governor, was executed. Riots ensued in the Kam area. Many ex-headmen and monasteries, who lost their power in the implementation of new Qing policy of making the headman post an appointed and not a hereditary one, took the chance to kill and drive away officials appointed by the Qing imperial court and their troops. They captured the bulk of the 30-odd counties in the Kam area, which had been under Zhao's rule for years, and established their own rule. Only Kangding, Batang, Daofu, Garze, Dege and Dengkou survived. But all these survivors reported a tense situation.

In the face of such a situation in Tibet and the Kam area, the government of the newly-founded Republic of China reacted to highlight the need to defend national unity. President Yuan Shi-kai issued his presidential order on April 22, 1912: "Now we have the harmony of the Han, Manchu, Mongolian, Hui and Tibetan nationalities. Areas inhabited by the Mongolian, Tibetan and Hui peoples are all part of the territory of our Republic of China. Namely, peoples of the Mongolian, Tibetan and Hui nationalities are all residents of our Republic of China." (Selected Materials on the History of Tibet, p.285) Ideas expressed in this presidential order were rooted in Dr. Sun Yat-sen, and hence correct. However, the Yuan Shi-kai government adopted a policy characteristic of national oppression and appointing local officials in dealing with the Tibetan issue. In May 1912, Yuan appointed Zhong Ying to be the Tibetan officer holding the powers formerly held by the High Commissioner of the Qing imperial court. On June 10, he sent Yang Feng and other officials to Darjeeling for talks with the 13th Dalai Lama. In mid-June, he ordered Sichuan general Yin Changheng to steer his troops westward. Yan's troops advanced into the Kam area to suppress the rebellion in support of the Sichuan army. In the meantime, Yunnan general Cai E was ordered to move out of Kamnan in cooperation with the Sichuan army.

In their respective books, Van Praag and Xagabba exaggerate Tibetan government resistance against the government of the Republic of China and its intention for independence. However, they mention nothing of the fact that the Tibetans were reluctant to divorce from the motherland, that the local government of Tibet had some leeway in dealing with the Sichuan troops, and that the 13th Dalai Lama contacted the government of the Republic of China soon after its founding.

During this period, Lian Yu and Zhong Ying once wrote to the 13th Dalai Lama, asking him to send representatives to negotiate with them in Lhasa. And the 13th Dalai Lama did send his representatives headed by Silun Qamqen. Through the negotiations, which experienced many twists and turns, and through mediation by Nepalese officials in Lhasa, both sides signed a peace agreement toward the end of July 1912 on the following terms: the Sichuan troops hand over their weapons to be sealed off in Tibet; the Sichuan troops return to the hinterland via India, while imperial commissioners and officials in Tibet remain in place; the imperial commissioners and the army chief retain 30 and 60 firearms respectively; the Han side pays the Tibetans for the losses inflicted by the Sichuan troops. By mid-August, Zhong Ying handed over some 150 Mausers, three guns and many boxes of bullets.

The agreement shows that the Tibetan side agreed that the imperial commissioners Lian Yu and Zhong Ying should remain in Tibet while the Sichuan troops had to go back home. This shows the Tibetan side had absolutely no intention of divorcing itself from the motherland. As Lian Yu was a minister of the toppled government of the Qing Dynasty, he had no way out but to leave Lhasa on August 4 for the hinterland via India. He was followed by the Sichuan army along the same route.

The Government of the Republic of China set up the Bureau in Charge of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs headed by Goingsang Norbu on July 19, 1912. When informed of the news, the 13th Dalai Lama took the initiative to write to Goingsang Norbu in Beijing. In this letter, he wrote: "An incident took place in Sichuan Province last winter, and the situation in Tibet has not calmed down yet. I intend to maintain the Buddhist order. Please forward the letter." (Ya Hanzhang: Biography of the Panchen Erdeni, p.226)

When the letter was forwarded to Yuan Shi-kai, he issued an order on October 28, announcing the restoration of the title of the 13th Dalai Lama. The decision was cabled to him and he sent a cable back to Yuan Shi-kai in late December. In his cable, the 13th Dalai Lama addressed Yuan Shi-kai using such respectful wording as "The Powerful and Fortunate President Yuan" and "The President of Benevolence." These cables not only show the 13th Dalai Lama's contacts with the Government of the Republic of China but also his respect for its president.

When Yang Feng, an official sent by Yuan Shi-kai, and others arrived in Darjeeling, the 13th Dalai Lama had already left for Tibet. Yang was made to stay in Darjeeling and Kalimpong by the British. Yang asked Zhaxi Wangdui, a Tibetan, to carry a letter to the 13th Dalai Lama, who sent his men to deliver his letter to Yang in Kalimpong in November the same year. Yang read the letter from the 13th Dalai Lama with great care, and considered it possible that the 13th Dalai Lama still supports the republic.

Yuan Shi-kai also sent others from Beijing to Tibet via India on December 17, 1912. However, the British barred their way into Tibet. On December 21, Yuan Shi-kai cabled the 13th Dalai Lama on matters concerning the ceasefire between the Sichuan army and the local government of Tibet: "Your Holiness the Dalai Lama propagates Buddhist tenets for the benefit of the people. From your letter to Goingsang Norbu, I learn that you yearn for peace. Now Zhong Ying has ceased fighting to wait for the settlement by the Central Government. I hope Your holiness the Dalai Lama would ask your men to cease fire for fear that the Tibetans will suffer more. I will send an envoy to deal with all matters resulting from previous events involving the Han and the Tibetan, for eternal peace." (Tibet Is an Inseparable Part of China, p.457)

In his book Van Praag arbitrarily claims that 襴ith the Qing emperor overthrown and the Republic of China founded, there existed no relations between the two countries." Contacts between Yuan Shi-kai and the 13th Dalai Lama, however, negate this statement.

In commenting on Yuan Shi-kai's presidential order " "Areas inhabited by the Mongolian, Tibetan and Hui peoples are all part of the territory of our Republic of China. Namely, peoples of the Mongolian, Tibetan and Hui nationalities are all residents of our Republic of China"--Van Praag says arbitrarily: This shows the Republic of China had made major changes in related policies of the previous Qing empire. For the first time in history, it said Tibet and Mongolia are a component of the Chinese territory and the Tibetans and Mongolians are residents of the Republic of China. Van Praag is wagging his tongue too freely! It is known to all that Tibet remained part of Chinese territory during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties (1271-1911); and the Tibetan race was also a part of the Chinese nation. In this, Yuan Shi-kai was not the first person to say the above. When the British was preparing military campaigns against Tibet on February 27, 1903, even Lord George Hamilton, a British Indian affairs minister, said "Tibet must be recognized as a province of China". Both Yuan Shi-kai and emperors of the previous Qing Dynasty held that Tibet is part of China. There are no differences between them on this issue.

In early 1913, the 13th Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa after a separation of three years. During this period of time, he announced that "all documents and decrees which the Han brought to Tibet must not be observed." In his speeches and documents issued in his name, he declared that the Chinese emperor and religious and government leader of Tibet only maintained the patron-lama relationship. However, none of his documents imply Tibet would become independent from the Qing government.

Xagabba and Van Praag play up the tendency shown by the 13th Dalai Lama and some others in the upper ruling class of Tibet in the early days of the Republic of China as the beginning of Tibet as an independent state.

In less than two months following the Wuchang Uprising in October 1911, at least 14 out of 18 inland provinces declared independence. By "declaring independence," they meant to be independent from the Qing imperial court rule so as to have a Central Government which they thought was suitable for China. In no way were they working to divorce themselves from China. The reactionary rule by the Qing imperial court fell apart during the uprisings and the declaring of "independence."

It was because of the above fact that Dr. Sun Yat-sen said in early 1912: "Following the Wuhan Uprising, more than 10 provinces declared "independence" which means a divorce for the Manchurian Qing, but a reunion for various provinces. So were Mongolia and Tibet." (Gu Zhongxiu: History on the Founding of the Republic of China, pp.57-58)

The tendency for "independence" shown by the 13th Dalai Lama and some others was different from the "independence" declared by various inland provinces. No uprisings broke out in Tibet to overthrow Qing rule. The British imperialists had a finger in the pie. However, both moved when the Revolution of 1911 had broke out in opposition to the corrupt rule by the Qing imperial court. At a time when the Qing imperial court had been toppled and a new Central Government had not built up its authority in China yet, there would inevitably be a strong tendency for "independence." When the new Central Government had consolidated its rule and built up enough authority in rule, such a local tendency for "independence" would become weakened and gradually die out. During the Republic of China, the tendency for "independence" shown by certain provinces died out gradually. It was generally the case with the Tibetan tendency for "independence."

Of course, the so-called "Tibetan independence" is different from the above case because the slogan was raised to incite separation of Tibet from the motherland. The 13th Dalai Lama actually didn't make up his mind to achieve the above goal because he was confronted with many restrictions, such as the traditionally inseparable relations between Tibet and the motherland which had been in existence for hundreds of years since the Yuan Dynasty, many international treaties which declare in explicit terms that China enjoys sovereignty or suzerainty over Tibet, opposition from those in the upper ruling class in Tibet who hated the British invasion and were in favor of unity with the motherland, fond feelings cherished by the broad masses of the Tibetans for peoples of other nationalities in China, and the announcement made by the president of the Republic of China concerning the harmony of five races in China. Therefore, he talked a lot but did a little in this regard. He planned to do so, but he had worries. While he was doing so, he looked around himself. He often made abrupt turns when he thought or found his move was not feasible. In a nutshell, he was ambivalent and hesitant in taking actions. What he did in the ensuing 20 years testifies to this conclusion.

When the 13th Dalai Lama had returned to Lhasa, he summoned a meeting of representatives of various counties and manors, soliciting opinions on future government affairs and reform measures in Tibet. During discussion on ties with the motherland, most representatives proposed opposition to the erroneous policies followed by the Qing imperial court and voiced objection to Tibetan separation from the motherland. Faced with this situation, the 13th Dalai Lama hesitated. In his book entitled Tibet: Past and Present, Charles Bell admits that of the Tibetan monks and lay people, there were those who favored the Chinese Party, a fact which could not be denied....There were also peasants who were heard time and again to yearn for the coming of China....Tibet which had the tendency for independence was not planning to totally separate itself from China with which they had united politically for a long period of time. (Ya Hanzhang: Biography of the Dalai Lama, p.213)

The above shows that in the early days of the Republic of China, the Central Government did its best to contact the 13th Dalai Lama with the result that while the British incited "Tibetan independence", it made a show but was never achieved.